Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
| NEGOTIATIONS CONCLUDED | CONTRACT START DATE | CONTRACT END DATE | STRIKE VOTE | STRIKE |
| Sept. 6, 721 | Sept. 6, 72 | Aug. 31, 73 | No | No |
| Sept. 11, 75 | Sept. 1, 73 | Aug 31, 75 | – | – |
| Sept. 11, 752 | Sept. 1, 75 | Aug. 31, 76 | Yes | No |
| Feb. 15, 77 | Sept. 1, 76 | Aug. 31, 77 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 13, 78 | Sept. 1, 77 | Aug. 31, 79 | Yes | No |
| May 1, 80 | Sept. 1, 79 | Aug. 31, 81 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 8, 813 | Sept. 1, 81 | Aug. 31, 82 | No | No |
| Feb. 25, 83 | Sept. 1, 82 | Aug. 31, 84 | Yes | No |
| Arbitration Award4 | Sept. 1, 84 | Aug. 31, 85 | Yes | Yes |
| May 22, 86 | Sept. 1, 85 | Aug. 31, 87 | Yes | No |
| May 30, 88 | Sept. 1, 87 | Aug. 31, 89 | Yes | No |
| Feb 27, 90 | Sept. 1, 89 | Aug. 31, 91 | Yes | Yes |
| Nov. 9, 92 | Sept. 1, 91 | Aug. 31, 945 | No | No |
| Nov. 12, 98 | Sept. 1, 96 | Aug. 31, 01 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 24, 01 | Sept. 1, 01 | Aug. 31, 03 | No | No |
| April 21, 04 | Sept. 1, 03 | Aug. 31, 05 | Yes | No |
| July 7, 06 | Sept. 1, 05 | Aug. 31, 09 | Yes | Yes |
| Feb 24, 106 | Sept. 1, 09 | Aug. 31, 2012 | Yes | No |
| Sept. 7, 2012 | Sept. 12, 2012 | Aug 31, 2014 | No | No |
| Sept. 23, 2014 | Sept. 1, 2014 | Sept. 30, 2017 | No | No |
| Dec. 20, 2017 | Oct. 1, 2017 | Sept. 30, 2021 | Yes | Yes |
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
| NEGOTIATIONS CONCLUDED | CONTRACT START DATE | CONTRACT END DATE | STRIKE VOTE | STRIKE |
| Sept. 6, 721 | Sept. 6, 72 | Aug. 31, 73 | No | No |
| Sept. 11, 75 | Sept. 1, 73 | Aug 31, 75 | – | – |
| Sept. 11, 752 | Sept. 1, 75 | Aug. 31, 76 | Yes | No |
| Feb. 15, 77 | Sept. 1, 76 | Aug. 31, 77 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 13, 78 | Sept. 1, 77 | Aug. 31, 79 | Yes | No |
| May 1, 80 | Sept. 1, 79 | Aug. 31, 81 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 8, 813 | Sept. 1, 81 | Aug. 31, 82 | No | No |
| Feb. 25, 83 | Sept. 1, 82 | Aug. 31, 84 | Yes | No |
| Arbitration Award4 | Sept. 1, 84 | Aug. 31, 85 | Yes | Yes |
| May 22, 86 | Sept. 1, 85 | Aug. 31, 87 | Yes | No |
| May 30, 88 | Sept. 1, 87 | Aug. 31, 89 | Yes | No |
| Feb 27, 90 | Sept. 1, 89 | Aug. 31, 91 | Yes | Yes |
| Nov. 9, 92 | Sept. 1, 91 | Aug. 31, 945 | No | No |
| Nov. 12, 98 | Sept. 1, 96 | Aug. 31, 01 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 24, 01 | Sept. 1, 01 | Aug. 31, 03 | No | No |
| April 21, 04 | Sept. 1, 03 | Aug. 31, 05 | Yes | No |
| July 7, 06 | Sept. 1, 05 | Aug. 31, 09 | Yes | Yes |
| Feb 24, 106 | Sept. 1, 09 | Aug. 31, 2012 | Yes | No |
| Sept. 7, 2012 | Sept. 12, 2012 | Aug 31, 2014 | No | No |
| Sept. 23, 2014 | Sept. 1, 2014 | Sept. 30, 2017 | No | No |
| Dec. 20, 2017 | Oct. 1, 2017 | Sept. 30, 2021 | Yes | Yes |
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
| NEGOTIATIONS CONCLUDED | CONTRACT START DATE | CONTRACT END DATE | STRIKE VOTE | STRIKE |
| Sept. 6, 721 | Sept. 6, 72 | Aug. 31, 73 | No | No |
| Sept. 11, 75 | Sept. 1, 73 | Aug 31, 75 | – | – |
| Sept. 11, 752 | Sept. 1, 75 | Aug. 31, 76 | Yes | No |
| Feb. 15, 77 | Sept. 1, 76 | Aug. 31, 77 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 13, 78 | Sept. 1, 77 | Aug. 31, 79 | Yes | No |
| May 1, 80 | Sept. 1, 79 | Aug. 31, 81 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 8, 813 | Sept. 1, 81 | Aug. 31, 82 | No | No |
| Feb. 25, 83 | Sept. 1, 82 | Aug. 31, 84 | Yes | No |
| Arbitration Award4 | Sept. 1, 84 | Aug. 31, 85 | Yes | Yes |
| May 22, 86 | Sept. 1, 85 | Aug. 31, 87 | Yes | No |
| May 30, 88 | Sept. 1, 87 | Aug. 31, 89 | Yes | No |
| Feb 27, 90 | Sept. 1, 89 | Aug. 31, 91 | Yes | Yes |
| Nov. 9, 92 | Sept. 1, 91 | Aug. 31, 945 | No | No |
| Nov. 12, 98 | Sept. 1, 96 | Aug. 31, 01 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 24, 01 | Sept. 1, 01 | Aug. 31, 03 | No | No |
| April 21, 04 | Sept. 1, 03 | Aug. 31, 05 | Yes | No |
| July 7, 06 | Sept. 1, 05 | Aug. 31, 09 | Yes | Yes |
| Feb 24, 106 | Sept. 1, 09 | Aug. 31, 2012 | Yes | No |
| Sept. 7, 2012 | Sept. 12, 2012 | Aug 31, 2014 | No | No |
| Sept. 23, 2014 | Sept. 1, 2014 | Sept. 30, 2017 | No | No |
| Dec. 20, 2017 | Oct. 1, 2017 | Sept. 30, 2021 | Yes | Yes |
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
| NEGOTIATIONS CONCLUDED | CONTRACT START DATE | CONTRACT END DATE | STRIKE VOTE | STRIKE |
| Sept. 6, 721 | Sept. 6, 72 | Aug. 31, 73 | No | No |
| Sept. 11, 75 | Sept. 1, 73 | Aug 31, 75 | – | – |
| Sept. 11, 752 | Sept. 1, 75 | Aug. 31, 76 | Yes | No |
| Feb. 15, 77 | Sept. 1, 76 | Aug. 31, 77 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 13, 78 | Sept. 1, 77 | Aug. 31, 79 | Yes | No |
| May 1, 80 | Sept. 1, 79 | Aug. 31, 81 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 8, 813 | Sept. 1, 81 | Aug. 31, 82 | No | No |
| Feb. 25, 83 | Sept. 1, 82 | Aug. 31, 84 | Yes | No |
| Arbitration Award4 | Sept. 1, 84 | Aug. 31, 85 | Yes | Yes |
| May 22, 86 | Sept. 1, 85 | Aug. 31, 87 | Yes | No |
| May 30, 88 | Sept. 1, 87 | Aug. 31, 89 | Yes | No |
| Feb 27, 90 | Sept. 1, 89 | Aug. 31, 91 | Yes | Yes |
| Nov. 9, 92 | Sept. 1, 91 | Aug. 31, 945 | No | No |
| Nov. 12, 98 | Sept. 1, 96 | Aug. 31, 01 | Yes | No |
| Oct. 24, 01 | Sept. 1, 01 | Aug. 31, 03 | No | No |
| April 21, 04 | Sept. 1, 03 | Aug. 31, 05 | Yes | No |
| July 7, 06 | Sept. 1, 05 | Aug. 31, 09 | Yes | Yes |
| Feb 24, 106 | Sept. 1, 09 | Aug. 31, 2012 | Yes | No |
| Sept. 7, 2012 | Sept. 12, 2012 | Aug 31, 2014 | No | No |
| Sept. 23, 2014 | Sept. 1, 2014 | Sept. 30, 2017 | No | No |
| Dec. 20, 2017 | Oct. 1, 2017 | Sept. 30, 2021 | Yes | Yes |
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
|
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
|
Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w
In an updated report on the state of Ontario’s colleges, the Divisional Executive of the college faculty members in OPSEU/SEFPO calls on government to approach the post-pandemic world with a stronger vision for post-secondary education.
The report — 2021 Update on Education in Ontario Colleges — is a follow-up to the 2014 Report on Education in Ontario Colleges. Both detail a vision for colleges in which “faculty, administrators and the Province are equal partners in ensuring a high quality, publicly funded, equitable college system.”
The report says we face a “clear choice” when it comes to our colleges: “slip further down the slope of austerity, privatization, precarity and reduced quality, or move towards a publicly-funded, student and faculty-centered, high-quality model of education.”
The full report contains 17 specific recommendations for putting colleges back on the path towards publicly-funded, student and faculty-centered, high-quality model of education.
Click here for a printable PDF of the full report.
2021 Update on Education in Ontario Colleges
Section 1 – Introduction
Context
The 2021 Update on Education in Ontario Colleges is a follow-up to the 2014 Report on Education in Ontario Colleges.1 In the seven years since the first report was released there have been sweeping changes to the college system. These changes have occurred due to the 2017 faculty strike, a new Conservative provincial government, and the COVID-19 pandemic. There is a need to contextualize these significant events and to assess their impact on the faculty and student experience, the quality of college education, and the future of the entire system.
In addition, there is a need to document continued threats posed by a neoliberal vision of education that continues to inform provincial governments and college administrators. This vision is of a post-secondary sector characterized by underfunding, intense competition, privatization, internationalization, job-deskilling, online learning, rising tuitions, the unbundling of faculty work, and the casualization of labour. In contrast, the 2014 Report articulated a vision in which faculty, administrators and the Province are equal partners in ensuring a high quality, publicly funded, equitable college system. This Report details both new and old challenges to realizing the faculty vision, and provides policy recommendations designed to overcome them.
Sponsor
This report has been sponsored by the Divisional Executive of the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology – Academic (CAAT-A) members within the Ontario Public Service Employees Union (OPSEU). The Update is intended to support contract negotiations for Ontario college faculty in the summer of 2021.
Method
The 2021 Update authors – Kevin Mackay and Martin Devitt, have both been members of the divisional leadership in CAAT-A, each serving two terms on the Divisional Executive, including one term as Vice Chair. Kevin MacKay was a member of the 2017 faculty bargaining team, as well as authoring the 2014 Report. Both authors are also delegates to the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT), representing the CAAT-A faculty in OPSEU. The authors bring their experience and provincial perspective to an analysis of college system statistics, provincial policy directives, and employer position papers. In addition, both authors have consulted with the local leadership in CAAT-A and with members of the broader provincial and national post-secondary sectors.
An Historic Victory
In December of 2017. Ontario College faculty concluded a five-week strike – the longest in the history of the college system. The contract arbitration and resulting Kaplan Award included significant gains on long-standing faculty issues.2 After decades of organizing, college faculty finally gained academic freedom (AF), with their right to teach and speak freely now enshrined in the CAAT-A Collective Agreement (CA). Faculty also gained job security protection for contract faculty with the Partial Load Registry. This new language is a key step forward in an unfinished process of seeking equity for non-full-time faculty. Of critical importance, a moratorium on Article 2 of the CA was successfully lifted, allowing local unions to once more grieve for the hiring of full-time positions. Three important bargaining issues were addressed by the creation of a provincial task force, where full-time staff complements, shared governance, and intellectual property rights would be discussed with sector stakeholders and recommendations made to the Ministry of Advanced Education and Skills Development (MAESD). The need for counsellors to have an updated classification and workload formula was also acknowledged in a letter of understanding that committed the College Employer Council (CEC) and CAAT-A Divisional Executive to discussions at the Employee/Employer Relations Council (EERC). Finally, the system-wide application of Provincial Bill 148, the Fair Workplaces, Better Jobs Act3, was addressed in a letter of understanding. This process would have led to significant gains in wage equity for non-full-time college faculty.
New Challenges
Since the 2017 contract was signed, much has transpired in the Ontario college system and faculty have been met with unexpected challenges. First, with the change of government in 2018 and the election of Conservative Premier Doug Ford, government support for the provincial task force was eliminated. Task force committee meetings were halted, and the newly named Ministry of Colleges and Universities (MCU) pronounced the process to be dead. The Ford government also overturned Bill 148, thus depriving contract faculty of much-needed pay equity.
With the provincial task force canceled, the last bargaining round has left serious faculty issues unresolved. First, the need for shared governance remains greater than ever, as faculty academic freedom in the classroom remains unmatched by an equal voice in setting academic policy within our institutions. By providing faculty and students meaningful input into academic decisions, shared governance leads to better pedagogy and research, while providing an important system of checks and balances that ensures the academic integrity of post-secondary education. Sheridan College remains the only one of Ontario’s 24 Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology with a functioning, elected senate. This model of academic governance, proven at Sheridan and accepted as the standard in post-secondary institutions world-wide, needs to be extended to every college in Ontario.
High levels of non-full-time faculty is another pressing issue that continues to undermine the quality of college education. Skilled and committed contract faculty are not given the time they need to prepare, deliver, and evaluate courses, nor are they given the time to participate in academic leadership. An appropriate complement of full-time faculty is critical to the consistency and quality of college programs and to the best possible student experience.
Insufficient faculty intellectual property (IP) protection continues to be a serious issue in the colleges, putting a chill on research and the creation of course materials. Strong IP rights enable institutions to attract and keep good faculty and students. They also lead to better pedagogy, as faculty are encouraged to bring the fullness of their academic expertise when developing course materials. Finally, the mandate to expand research at community colleges is seriously impaired when faculty researchers are not given the same level of IP protection as their university colleagues.
The declining number of librarians in the college system and the threat of contracting out facing counselling faculty continue to be major concerns. Several Ontario colleges currently have no librarians, even as the academic activities that most rely on their expertise – research and degree programs – are steadily increasing. Since the 2014 Report, the number of full-time counselling faculty has stagnated, and counselling work is under increasing threat – either by being unbundled and shifted to support staff, or by being contracted out to third-party providers. A system-wide lack of counselling staff is particularly concerning given the steady rise of students seeking academic accommodations, presenting with mental health challenges, and accessing counselling services. This disconnect between faculty complement and student need forbodes a crisis in college mental health.
The other significant event that has affected Ontario’s College System is the COVID-19 pandemic. In March of 2020, colleges province-wide were forced to end on-campus instruction as a part of general pandemic-related lockdowns. A majority of businesses were closed from March through May of 2020, with provinces beginning to re-open in June. Colleges held some on-campus classes (labs, etc.) in the fall of 2020, but most instruction has remained online. The overwhelming bulk of instruction took place online in the Winter and Spring 2021 semesters. Faculty clearly understood and supported the emergency expansion of online learning; however, there have also been signals that administrators are seeing the forced move online as an “opportunity” to provide more “flexibility” in course delivery. The threat is that many institutions will try to keep instruction of general electives and other lecture-based courses online longer than is necessary to protect public health. Moving forward, a real danger is that college managers will embrace online teaching as “the new normal”.
The massive shift to online delivery has had several other effects. Class sizes have been increased and workloads have intensified as online course delivery proves more time-consuming. There were also threats of full-time faculty layoffs due to reduced enrollment, but these seem to be largely avoided as enrollments did not drop as much as first predicted by college administrators. Despite the absence of full-time layoffs, several colleges put a freeze on faculty hires, further exacerbating the already high ratio of full-time to non-full-time professors. At the same time, colleges have continued to hire more administrators and expand the compensation of senior administrative staff.
Another issue that has re-emerged for college faculty is the return of public-private college partnerships (P3s). Agreements between Ontario community colleges and private career colleges had been operating on a small scale since 2005, when Cambrian College partnered with Hanson College to deliver programs at campuses in Brampton and North York. Other public colleges followed suit, opening private partnership campuses in the GTA. A legal challenge by OPSEU failed to halt the P3 campuses; however, after extensive lobbying, the provincial Liberal government ordered the partnerships terminated in 2018. Since the Ford government took power in 2018, P3 arrangements have once more been promoted by the province.4 A 2019 binding policy directive from the MCU specified that any new public college campuses had to be private partnerships. The directive also specified that new P3 campuses would host international students, with the goal of increasing enrollment in the private campus to two times the enrollment at the public college partner’s home campuses.5 Since this directive, nine community colleges have now started P3 campuses in the GTA.
Despite several challenges remaining after the 2017 round of contract negotiations, the five-week strike saw a renewed level of faculty engagement and solidarity that echoed province-wide. When faced with a forced final offer from the employer on November 6, 86% of faculty voted the offer down. 95% of eligible faculty participated in the contract vote, showing the unity that existed among faculty even after four weeks on strike.6 The collective bargaining history of college faculty, updated as of the 2014 Report, is shown in Figure 1 below.
Collective Bargaining History
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Fig. 1
Section 2 – Current Political and Economic Context
National Overview and COVID-19 Impact
In 2019 the Canadian economy grew by 1.7% and unemployment continued to decline, reaching 5.7% at year end. These promising economic trends were expected to continue, and in October of 2019, the Bank of Canada projected another 1.7% of growth in 2020.7 However, in the space of a few months the entire picture changed, as country-wide lockdowns in response to COVID-19 led to a 6.6% reduction in GDP in 2020.8 In March and April of 2020 alone, over 3 million jobs were lost. At the end of April the unemployment rate reached a record 13.7%.9
Government support programs throughout the 2020-2021 pandemic helped cushion some of the blow of mass unemployment and business insolvency. These programs, coupled with reduced government revenues, led to massive budget deficits. In the October 2020 throne speech, the Trudeau government projected a federal budget deficit of $381.6 billion for the year. By then jobs had partially recovered, with approximately 80% of jobs lost through COVID being recouped and unemployment falling to 8.9%. Despite this modest come-back, in January of 2021 the budget deficit was predicted to grow between $388.8 billion and $398.7 billion at end of year. This would lead to a projected national debt of $1.4 trillion.10
As the first wave of COVID-19 hit in March and April 2020, post-secondary institutions across Canada were forced to halt in-class instruction. The financial and operational impacts of the pandemic varied across the country. Many colleges and universities saw significant declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls, while other institutions managed to maintain revenue and student levels.
Federal Support of Post Secondary Education
The Canadian Post-Secondary Education (PSE) sector saw little change in levels of federal funding when the current Trudeau government took power. Since the 2008-09 academic year, federal cash transfers have remained within a percentage point of 0.20% of GDP. This is down from a high of 0.49% of GDP in 1984-85. Federal funding declined under the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, and dropped even more steeply under the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin – reaching a low of 0.14% of GDP in 2006-07.11 Canada continues to lag behind its comparator countries concerning government funding for PSE. It ranks 27th on the list of OECD countries based on the percentage of public vs. private funding of PSE.12
Provincial Overview and COVID-19 Impact
Ontario experienced severe economic effects from the COVID-19 pandemic. The 2020 provincial budget was delayed until November, when it was announced with $187 billion in spending and a projected deficit of $38.5 billion – the largest in the province’s history.13 Provincial GDP fell by 6.5% in 2020, slightly less than the national average. Over 355,000 jobs were lost, hiking unemployment to 9.1%, significantly higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 5.5%. In addition to job losses, over 765,000 Ontarians saw their work hours reduced.14
The Ontario education sector was particularly impacted by COVID-19. In March of 2020, K to 12 schools across the province closed down their in-person classes and moved to fully online teaching. Colleges and Universities followed suit, with a limited number of programs with intensive, hands-on requirements continuing modified face to face instruction. K to 12 schools briefly re-opened from September to December of 2020, before closing again under a province-wide lockdown in January 2021.15 In February of 2021, K-12 schools once more re-opened in much of the province. The issue of in-class teaching during the pandemic has been a constant source of conflict between front-line education workers, the province, and school administrators. These conflicts have focused on safe class sizes, distancing and PPE protocols during face-to-face instruction, and appropriate building ventilation.16
Overall, the Ford government’s COVID response has been subject to harsh criticism, revealing the corrosive impact of neoliberal policies on public health. Devastating mortality rates in provincial long-term-care facilities were linked to Ford’s 2018 decision to cut mandatory Resident Quality Inspections (RQI) at each care home.17 In addition, the Province was slow to spend federal COVID assistance funds, having yet to allocate $6.4 billion in federal assistance as of February, 2021.18 The lack of investment in protecting long-term care homes and front line workers was noted in a damning report produced by a Provincial Commission struck to investigate COVID-related deaths. The Commission noted that homes suffered from insufficient staffing, not enough PPE, and poor COVID testing and infection prevention protocols.19 Finally, economic decisions by the Conservatives, such as cancelling the planned $15 minimum wage, eliminating paid sick days, and cutting funding to public health directly exacerbated the pandemic’s impact on Ontario’s most vulnerable citizens.20
Attack on Public Sector Bargaining Rights
Apart from the pandemic, a significant challenge facing the Ontario education sector is a political climate in which the provincial government is repeatedly willing to disrupt the collective bargaining process and to use legislation to enforce contract terms. These interventions, by both Liberal and Conservative governments, violate rights to collective bargaining enshrined in Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In 2012, the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty intervened in the collective bargaining of Ontario teachers. Provincial Bill 115 – Putting Students First Act banned wage increases for two years and outlawed strikes. If contracts could not be negotiated by a certain date, the Bill also allowed the province to force teachers’ unions to accept a government-determined contract.21 In 2015, Kathleen Wynne’s Liberal government interfered again in teacher negotiations, legislating striking teachers back to work in three school boards.22 In April of 2016, the Canadian Supreme Court upheld the right to collectively bargain and ruled Bill 115 to be a violation of the Charter. The Ontario government ended up having to pay $100 million in compensation to Ontario teachers’ unions.23
Despite a court ruling indicating that back to work and wage-freeze legislation violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provincial governments have continued to interfere in education-sector contract negotiations. In June of 2019, the Ford government passed legislation to suppress wages for all government workers. Provincial Bill 124 – Protecting a Sustainable Public Sector for Future Generations Act, holds wage and benefits increases for public sector workers to 1% for a period of three years.24 A coalition of over 40 unions immediately launched a legal challenge against Bill 124, arguing that it violates Charter-protected rights to collective bargaining.25 OPSEU has also launched two Charter challenges against provincial interference in the 2017 bargaining process. On November 19, 2017, after five weeks on strike, the Wynne government legislated college faculty back to work through Bill 178 and directed all remaining bargaining issues to a process of binding arbitration. OPSEU is arguing that the back to work legislation violates its charter rights to collectively bargain.26 The other Charter challenge is being directed against the Ford government for cancelling the Ontario Public Colleges: The Next 50 Years province-wide task force. The task force was constituted through collective bargaining and written into the CA. Given this, OPSEU argues that its unilateral cancellation by the province is once more a violation of the right to collectively bargain.27
Education Sector Bargaining During COVID-19
Ontario teachers were once more in bargaining when the global pandemic hit in February of 2020. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO), Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF) and Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association (OECTA) had been coordinating rolling job actions at schools province-wide, as critical issues of class size, forced online learning, part-time worker seniority and full-time employment remained in contention, issues that—in addition to chronic underfunding of the K-12 system, bear striking overlap with college faculty concerns.28 In March, the Province settled with OECTA, signing an agreement with concessions around seniority, increased class sizes, and the introduction of two mandatory online classes.29 In April, similar agreements were reached with ETFO and OSSTF. The agreements saw teachers get a 1% per year pay increase and a 4% yearly increase in benefits. The Province also committed $85 million to a “support for students” fund that would hire hundreds of new educational specialists to support special needs students.30
The Ontario University sector has seen successful organizing drives and contract negotiations since the start of the pandemic. In March of 2020, faculty at Renisson University College (associated with the University of Waterloo) voted to certify the Renisson Association of Academic Staff (RAAS).31 After 45 bargaining sessions, RAAS negotiated a first collective agreement in February of 2021.32 In July of 2020, faculty at King’s University College at the University of Western Ontario also certified the Kings University College Faculty Association (KUCFA).33 In September of 2020, KUCFA negotiated a two-year collective agreement.34
Two established university faculty bargaining units also managed to ratify agreements, with the faculty association at Brescia University College in London, Ontario winning significant gains around contracting out of academic work and right of first refusal in teaching assignments for contract faculty.35 In June of 2020, the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) concluded negotiations on an agreement that saw significant gains. As monetary items were off the table due to Bill 124, BUFA faculty decided to pursue important non-monetary priorities like collegial governance, scheduling, and Indigenization. The new collective agreement secures substantial rights for Indigenous faculty members, increases consultation with Indigenous members of the university community w